THINGS HAVE MOVED ON
Things have moved on
There was a time, early in the peace process, when the issue of decommissioning of IRA weapons seemed like a contrived and unreasonable demand, a stumbling block deliberately placed in the road to prevent republican involvement in any emergent political entity. At that time, republican and nationalist people were sceptical about the prospect of an arms handover. The perception was that decommissioning was something that happened to a defeated army, for example, Germany in the post World War One period.
Others simply believed that the entire peace process was a fraud and that the only way to ensure peace was to go to war and sacrifice another generation in a war of attrition against Britain.
All these perspectives must be seriously reviewed in the light of political developments and more especially, in the wake of the Omagh bomb. According to British Army sources, the IRA could not be defeated militarily. Rather, that organisation, as a result of pressure from Sinn Fein, ended its campaign of armed resistance to British rule, to pursue the goal of national self-determination by other means, i.e. politics.
Perhaps the weakest of all these arguments is that which holds that Ireland can only be united by the armalite and the bomb. This argument was articulated in Omagh on August 15th, by a group calling itself the Real IRA. The response it engendered was not one of acceptance of the principle of Irish unity but, rather, a revulsion and rejection of any attempt to pursue that objective by coercion. In stark contrast, mainstream republicanism has shown itself to be a force for change. It has adapted and responded to the changing circumstances and, arguably, it has advanced more in two years by peaceful means, than in twenty eight years by paramilitary means. Indeed, the last election saw support for Sinn Fein grow considerably and there can be no doubt that the increase is directly attributable to the republican movement's embracing of a peace strategy. So to the issue of decommissioning.
There have been significant changes in Northern Ireland since the beginning of the peace process; Sinn Fein have voted to take seats in the Assembly, David Trimble has met with Gerry Adams, British garrisons are being stood down, almost all of the paramilitary organisations are on cease-fire, prisoners are being released, and part of the Good Friday Agreement repealed the Government of Ireland Act. There has been a veritable blizzard of change, but perhaps the greatest change was that which David Trimble brought to the Ulster Unionist Party. In two short years he revolutionised mainstream unionism. The majority of the members of his party now embrace pluralism, they will, and do, talk to Sinn Fein and they will share power.
However, whilst Mr Trimble has opened the door to dialogue with the entire nationalist community, he has had an arduous task and has faced the humiliation of widespread defection. Not even his greatest advocate could predict his political survival if he were to sit in government with Sinn Fein before some measure of decommissioning takes place. Therefore, as an acknowledgement of the momentous changes that Mr Trimble has embraced, and to ensure that his position remains tenable, something which all nationalists agree is good for the peace process, there should be, at least, a symbolic gesture would go some way toward bridging the chasm between trust and reciprocation.
There was a time, early in the peace process, when the issue of decommissioning of IRA weapons seemed like a contrived and unreasonable demand, a stumbling block deliberately placed in the road to prevent republican involvement in any emergent political entity. At that time, republican and nationalist people were sceptical about the prospect of an arms handover. The perception was that decommissioning was something that happened to a defeated army, for example, Germany in the post World War One period.
Others simply believed that the entire peace process was a fraud and that the only way to ensure peace was to go to war and sacrifice another generation in a war of attrition against Britain.
All these perspectives must be seriously reviewed in the light of political developments and more especially, in the wake of the Omagh bomb. According to British Army sources, the IRA could not be defeated militarily. Rather, that organisation, as a result of pressure from Sinn Fein, ended its campaign of armed resistance to British rule, to pursue the goal of national self-determination by other means, i.e. politics.
Perhaps the weakest of all these arguments is that which holds that Ireland can only be united by the armalite and the bomb. This argument was articulated in Omagh on August 15th, by a group calling itself the Real IRA. The response it engendered was not one of acceptance of the principle of Irish unity but, rather, a revulsion and rejection of any attempt to pursue that objective by coercion. In stark contrast, mainstream republicanism has shown itself to be a force for change. It has adapted and responded to the changing circumstances and, arguably, it has advanced more in two years by peaceful means, than in twenty eight years by paramilitary means. Indeed, the last election saw support for Sinn Fein grow considerably and there can be no doubt that the increase is directly attributable to the republican movement's embracing of a peace strategy. So to the issue of decommissioning.
There have been significant changes in Northern Ireland since the beginning of the peace process; Sinn Fein have voted to take seats in the Assembly, David Trimble has met with Gerry Adams, British garrisons are being stood down, almost all of the paramilitary organisations are on cease-fire, prisoners are being released, and part of the Good Friday Agreement repealed the Government of Ireland Act. There has been a veritable blizzard of change, but perhaps the greatest change was that which David Trimble brought to the Ulster Unionist Party. In two short years he revolutionised mainstream unionism. The majority of the members of his party now embrace pluralism, they will, and do, talk to Sinn Fein and they will share power.
However, whilst Mr Trimble has opened the door to dialogue with the entire nationalist community, he has had an arduous task and has faced the humiliation of widespread defection. Not even his greatest advocate could predict his political survival if he were to sit in government with Sinn Fein before some measure of decommissioning takes place. Therefore, as an acknowledgement of the momentous changes that Mr Trimble has embraced, and to ensure that his position remains tenable, something which all nationalists agree is good for the peace process, there should be, at least, a symbolic gesture would go some way toward bridging the chasm between trust and reciprocation.
Further Information
Publisher: ULSTER HERALD
Ref: UH/1150
Published Date: 24-Sep-98
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