THE WICKEDEST MONTH
The Wickedest Month
This weekend's remembrance of the Omagh bomb will remind the North's politicians of the alternative to constitutional politics. The entire North, and the people of Omagh and district deserve no less, writes Stephen McKenna
IF ONLY.
If only we could turn the clock back to this time last year before the horrific events of August 15th, 1998, and all the dead of the Omagh bomb were still with us, and all the injured and bereaved could be going about their business with carefree hearts.
How often must these thoughts have crossed our minds and entered our dreams? But sad reality intrudes, and we are soon brought face to face with the grim fact that we have still, as a community, to come out of the shock of the explosion, and its aftermath.
The sheer scale of the carnage has made it difficult to comprehend, even at this stage. We are always conscious of the memory of the dead, and are humbled in the presence of the survivors as they endeavour, with such courage, to put their lives back together. There has been magnificent work done by medical, counselling and support teams, and great generosity displayed in material terms from all over Ireland, and from further afield, and the world has not forgotten us, but for the people most involved, the grief, the pain, and the loneliness has not abated.
There is no-one who would not prefer that Omagh could go back to its comparative obscurity as a sleepy market town instead of having become a by-word for atrocity. In the English-speaking world, at least, the name of Omagh needs no further identification in the addition of 'County Tyrone' or 'Northern Ireland', but that is not the way that the people of the town and the district would want the town to be known.
Any reporter who takes the trouble to examine the Omagh bomb soon realises that the outrage was not perpetrated by Omagh people against fellow Omagh people, whatever its origins or purpose. At the time there was the strong feeling of insult being added to injury, as Omagh was the last place where such an assault would have been expected, especially as most people imagined that the long war was over, in the wake of the Good Friday Agreement. Omagh has always been free of the sectarian tensions that have poisoned many other Northern towns, and it had pioneered the concept of rotation sharing of public office since the reform of Local Government in 1973.
It has been often remarked that if the purpose of the bomb was to create sectarian conflict in Omagh, then this has signally failed to come about. In those dark days immediately after the atrocity, the whole of the country held its breath for fear that the North would again be plunged into bloody conflict, despite the political advances that had been brought about by the peace progress.
That this did not happen is to the great credit of the local community and the leadership given by local churchmen, community groupings, elected representatives and officers of the local district council. The sterling work done by the churches over the years acted as a bedrock to cushion the impact, and the mutual trust achieved by this, ecumenical approach has been of immense importance in offering solace, defusing anger, and helping the process of healing. If anything, the community has been strengthened and there has grown an even greater regard and sensitivity among the local people, and a greater consciousness of the hurt that can be done by intolerance, or the hard word.
One of the most harrowing aspects of the Omagh bomb was the remarkable number of young people, their lives before them, who were killed or injured. Most of them would have no personal remembrance of explosions in Omagh, so long had it been since there had been any bombing in the town. Many of the victims would not have had a familiarity with the geography of the town, and the fact that so many of the victims were not actually from the town itself, would indicate that they did not know of the various entries, alleys, side-streets and rear entrances of shops and stores, the existence of which doubtless spared many people who knew where to find them.
Many people also ponder the caprice of fate that had some people at the fatal site when others had just passed through it minutes or seconds beforehand, or were minutes from it on the approach when they heard the explosion. This has left many people, otherwise unscathed, with a feeling of guilt as why they should have been spared, and so many of the young and innocent were killed or injured. Many people did not walk or drive through the site for months after the event; many have still not approached it, and whatever form the reconstruction will take, it will always be hold by many as a sacred place, here at home, in Donegal, and in Spain.
One of the most heartening aspects of the sad aftermath was the willingness shown by churchmen and political leaders to attend requiem obsequies and funerals, regardless of religious denomination, or party affiliation. These generous gestures brought it home to many people here that the matters of identity, culture or creed, which we imagine to divide us, really count for little in the face of communal tragedy when our essential humanity comes to the fore of our consciousness, and we realise how insignificant our differences essentially are.
This coming weekend will be painful for many people in the Omagh area as we prepare to commemorate the events of August, 1998. The town and district was the focus of intense media activity this time last year. Most reporters and cameramen conducted themselves in a civilised and professional manner, at the time, and on the many occasions since.
There have been some exceptions, notably in the notorious Carlton television programme which came out on the Thursday after the fateful Saturday. As against that, there have been sensitive, comprehensive and insightful articles and broadcasts. Different people react to media questioning in different ways: some people feel it helpful to talk about their experiences, as a form of therapy, whilst others resent any approaches as intrusive, and serving only to re-open old wounds. It is hard to strike a balance between letting the matter rest and memory subside, on the one hand, and on the other, appearing to ignore and forget the terrible tragedy.
Some people said at the time that the Omagh bomb, surely, would put an end to the 30-year conflict. Others said they hoped that it would, but feared that it might not. The ceasefires, by and large, have held, and most of the smaller paramilitary groups have joined the ceasefire in the interim. The least that the politicians can do to honour the dead of Omagh is to respect the will of the people, as expressed in referendums and opinion polls, and to agree to structures that will bring about peace, stability, harmony and prosperity. Perhaps this weekend's remembrance of the Omagh bomb will remind them of the alternative to constitutional politics. The entire North, and the people of Omagh and district deserve no less.
The commemorative services will mark, in a solemn and dignified way, the First Anniversary of the worst single atrocity in the Troubles in Northern Ireland. We will look to the past, but we will also address ourselves to the future. There are many imaginative plans for the future of Omagh: the town will continue to grow, for despite the awful scenes and memories of 1998, it is still regarded as a good place to live, and to bring up children, and secure them a good schooling. The town centre, including ancillary thoroughfares, are to be generated. The new Town Hall and Arts Centre will lift our hearts and enrich our cultural heritage, and provide a centre for the people to come together in a congenial and stimulating environment.
There has to be hope; there will, please God, be progress, the goodness of Omagh will endure, but the memory will never die.
This weekend's remembrance of the Omagh bomb will remind the North's politicians of the alternative to constitutional politics. The entire North, and the people of Omagh and district deserve no less, writes Stephen McKenna
IF ONLY.
If only we could turn the clock back to this time last year before the horrific events of August 15th, 1998, and all the dead of the Omagh bomb were still with us, and all the injured and bereaved could be going about their business with carefree hearts.
How often must these thoughts have crossed our minds and entered our dreams? But sad reality intrudes, and we are soon brought face to face with the grim fact that we have still, as a community, to come out of the shock of the explosion, and its aftermath.
The sheer scale of the carnage has made it difficult to comprehend, even at this stage. We are always conscious of the memory of the dead, and are humbled in the presence of the survivors as they endeavour, with such courage, to put their lives back together. There has been magnificent work done by medical, counselling and support teams, and great generosity displayed in material terms from all over Ireland, and from further afield, and the world has not forgotten us, but for the people most involved, the grief, the pain, and the loneliness has not abated.
There is no-one who would not prefer that Omagh could go back to its comparative obscurity as a sleepy market town instead of having become a by-word for atrocity. In the English-speaking world, at least, the name of Omagh needs no further identification in the addition of 'County Tyrone' or 'Northern Ireland', but that is not the way that the people of the town and the district would want the town to be known.
Any reporter who takes the trouble to examine the Omagh bomb soon realises that the outrage was not perpetrated by Omagh people against fellow Omagh people, whatever its origins or purpose. At the time there was the strong feeling of insult being added to injury, as Omagh was the last place where such an assault would have been expected, especially as most people imagined that the long war was over, in the wake of the Good Friday Agreement. Omagh has always been free of the sectarian tensions that have poisoned many other Northern towns, and it had pioneered the concept of rotation sharing of public office since the reform of Local Government in 1973.
It has been often remarked that if the purpose of the bomb was to create sectarian conflict in Omagh, then this has signally failed to come about. In those dark days immediately after the atrocity, the whole of the country held its breath for fear that the North would again be plunged into bloody conflict, despite the political advances that had been brought about by the peace progress.
That this did not happen is to the great credit of the local community and the leadership given by local churchmen, community groupings, elected representatives and officers of the local district council. The sterling work done by the churches over the years acted as a bedrock to cushion the impact, and the mutual trust achieved by this, ecumenical approach has been of immense importance in offering solace, defusing anger, and helping the process of healing. If anything, the community has been strengthened and there has grown an even greater regard and sensitivity among the local people, and a greater consciousness of the hurt that can be done by intolerance, or the hard word.
One of the most harrowing aspects of the Omagh bomb was the remarkable number of young people, their lives before them, who were killed or injured. Most of them would have no personal remembrance of explosions in Omagh, so long had it been since there had been any bombing in the town. Many of the victims would not have had a familiarity with the geography of the town, and the fact that so many of the victims were not actually from the town itself, would indicate that they did not know of the various entries, alleys, side-streets and rear entrances of shops and stores, the existence of which doubtless spared many people who knew where to find them.
Many people also ponder the caprice of fate that had some people at the fatal site when others had just passed through it minutes or seconds beforehand, or were minutes from it on the approach when they heard the explosion. This has left many people, otherwise unscathed, with a feeling of guilt as why they should have been spared, and so many of the young and innocent were killed or injured. Many people did not walk or drive through the site for months after the event; many have still not approached it, and whatever form the reconstruction will take, it will always be hold by many as a sacred place, here at home, in Donegal, and in Spain.
One of the most heartening aspects of the sad aftermath was the willingness shown by churchmen and political leaders to attend requiem obsequies and funerals, regardless of religious denomination, or party affiliation. These generous gestures brought it home to many people here that the matters of identity, culture or creed, which we imagine to divide us, really count for little in the face of communal tragedy when our essential humanity comes to the fore of our consciousness, and we realise how insignificant our differences essentially are.
This coming weekend will be painful for many people in the Omagh area as we prepare to commemorate the events of August, 1998. The town and district was the focus of intense media activity this time last year. Most reporters and cameramen conducted themselves in a civilised and professional manner, at the time, and on the many occasions since.
There have been some exceptions, notably in the notorious Carlton television programme which came out on the Thursday after the fateful Saturday. As against that, there have been sensitive, comprehensive and insightful articles and broadcasts. Different people react to media questioning in different ways: some people feel it helpful to talk about their experiences, as a form of therapy, whilst others resent any approaches as intrusive, and serving only to re-open old wounds. It is hard to strike a balance between letting the matter rest and memory subside, on the one hand, and on the other, appearing to ignore and forget the terrible tragedy.
Some people said at the time that the Omagh bomb, surely, would put an end to the 30-year conflict. Others said they hoped that it would, but feared that it might not. The ceasefires, by and large, have held, and most of the smaller paramilitary groups have joined the ceasefire in the interim. The least that the politicians can do to honour the dead of Omagh is to respect the will of the people, as expressed in referendums and opinion polls, and to agree to structures that will bring about peace, stability, harmony and prosperity. Perhaps this weekend's remembrance of the Omagh bomb will remind them of the alternative to constitutional politics. The entire North, and the people of Omagh and district deserve no less.
The commemorative services will mark, in a solemn and dignified way, the First Anniversary of the worst single atrocity in the Troubles in Northern Ireland. We will look to the past, but we will also address ourselves to the future. There are many imaginative plans for the future of Omagh: the town will continue to grow, for despite the awful scenes and memories of 1998, it is still regarded as a good place to live, and to bring up children, and secure them a good schooling. The town centre, including ancillary thoroughfares, are to be generated. The new Town Hall and Arts Centre will lift our hearts and enrich our cultural heritage, and provide a centre for the people to come together in a congenial and stimulating environment.
There has to be hope; there will, please God, be progress, the goodness of Omagh will endure, but the memory will never die.
Further Information
Publisher: ULSTER HERALD
Ref: UH/0480
Published Date: 12-Aug-99
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