LONG ROAD AHEAD
Long road ahead
In the final part of the series - a year on from Blair and Adams' famous handshake - LINDSAY FERGUS looks at the course Northern Ireland's political process has taken since July
THE first meeting of the new Northern Ireland Assembly, on July 2, took place under the shadow of the impending Drumcree crisis. First Minister David Trimble was adamant "this society will move forward" while Deputy First Minister Seamus Mallon said "we know the problems, we know the way in which we have to solve them, we know the means by which we have agreed they will be solved. We will now set about solving them."
As the political bickering over Drumcree continued, Tony Blair jetted into the Province on what was being hailed as a rescue mission, his third visit in as many months, to make the impassioned plea "listen to the voice of reason".
On July 5 Orangemen were physically prevented, by rows of steel, from marching along the Garvaghy Road.
Testing times lay ahead for David Trimble, himself a leading Orangeman, but now a man with wider responsibilities.
As the Drumcree melting pot reached almost boiling point, David Trimble and Seamus Mallon released a joint statement which said:
"There is no question or doubt that there is a very wide consensus, right across the political divide; we cannot allow this crisis to develop and deepen."
The price of unionist and nationalist stubbornness was paid on July 12, the highpoint in the Orange Order's calendar, with the murders of three young Roman Catholic brothers from Ballymoney.
"This is not protest. This is not principle. This is not statistics. It is three wee boys, Richard Quinn, Jason Quinn and Mark Quinn, burned to death in their beds," said the RUC Chief Constable, Ronnie Flanagan.
Dissident republicans continued their attacks on RUC bases and commercial targets, leaving behind a repair bill running into millions of pounds.
In August PUP leader David Ervine gave Gerry Adams an ultimatum that the onus was on Sinn Fein to make its position clear or run the risk "of collapsing" the entire process.
He said: "It is my opinion that if the IRA do not say the war is over then the Agreement is over - it's as simple as that."
Republicans opposed to the peace process, operating under the name Real IRA, carried out the worst atrocity Northern Ireland had ever known on August 15.
Their cowardly attack on Omagh's busy town centre claimed the lives of 29 people, including babies, children, teenagers, men, women, elderly and a pregnant woman.
One week after the Omagh massacre, the INLA called a cease-fire, leaving the CIRA and Real IRA as the only groups opting for the bomb rather than the ballot box. As the tide turned towards the terrorists who were committed to destroying the peace process, Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern announced major crack downs on terrorism and vowed to track down the Omagh bombers.
On September 1, Gerry Adams made the headlines when he made what many saw as the "war is over" statement.
He said: "I and Sinn Fein believe the violence we have seen must be for all of us now a thing of the past, over, done with and gone."
Hopes on decommissioning were raised the next day when Mid Ulster MP, Martin McGuiness, was named as Sinn Fein's chief negotiator on disarmament.
The Drumcree issue continued and, two months after the parade had been baited RUC man, Frankie O'Reilly, fell victim to the anger of loyalist rioters in Portadown.
History was made when David Trimble spoke face-to-face with Gerry Adams for the first time on September 7.
The same day the Real IRA declared a total ceasefire.
Three days later, the arch rivals met at a one-on-one private meeting.
Speaking afterwards, David Trimble said:
"As Sinn Fein move over the bridge from terror to democracy, people will accept them as persons who are coming down on the right side."
Just five months after the Agreement had been signed, the first paramilitary prisoners walked free from the Maze and Magilligan jails.
Four republicans and three loyalists were the first of many scheduled for release.
The Assembly reconvened on September 14 after a turbulent summer stained by murder and mayhem.
The First Minister said he wanted "a pluralist parliament for a pluralist people" with unionist and nationalists working together.
The Deputy First Minister said: "The mood of the people is to put past failings behind us, and to close that roll call of infamy to violence which has so frequently summoned us."
Decommissioning became and remains the thorn in the side of the peace process.
David Trimble and Seamus Mallon clashed on the issue and its impact on the formation of an Executive, including Sinn Fein, in advance of IRA disarmament.
On September 29 David Trimble, Seamus Mallon and Gerry Adams took their differences to Tony Blair at the Labour Party Conference in Blackpool.
Again Gerry Adams called on Tony Blair to abandon support for the Union and to start working for a united Ireland.
He said: "To uphold the Union means using repression, denying civil and human rights and defending equality and injustice."
The decommissioning deadlock raged on into October and became the basis of evident deepening divisions within unionism following the emergence of a new group called Union First.
Ulster Unionists, faithful to their party leader, launched a scathing attack on the new group claiming its intention was to stab David Trimble in the back.
Dermott Nesbitt said: "All I find at this moment are many shades of unionism, from the DUP to the UKUP to some even within my own party, sad as it is, who are undermining that position of trying to secure a stable government by calling into question David Trimble's veracity as leader."
On October 12, the Eire government hinted that a breakthrough on the arms impasse, which is currently holding up the Northern Ireland peace process, could be reached by the end of the month.
One year on from the famous Blair-Adams handshake, much has been accomplished in Northern Ireland's political arena as the Province takes its first steps towards peace. A long road, however, lies ahead.
In the final part of the series - a year on from Blair and Adams' famous handshake - LINDSAY FERGUS looks at the course Northern Ireland's political process has taken since July
THE first meeting of the new Northern Ireland Assembly, on July 2, took place under the shadow of the impending Drumcree crisis. First Minister David Trimble was adamant "this society will move forward" while Deputy First Minister Seamus Mallon said "we know the problems, we know the way in which we have to solve them, we know the means by which we have agreed they will be solved. We will now set about solving them."
As the political bickering over Drumcree continued, Tony Blair jetted into the Province on what was being hailed as a rescue mission, his third visit in as many months, to make the impassioned plea "listen to the voice of reason".
On July 5 Orangemen were physically prevented, by rows of steel, from marching along the Garvaghy Road.
Testing times lay ahead for David Trimble, himself a leading Orangeman, but now a man with wider responsibilities.
As the Drumcree melting pot reached almost boiling point, David Trimble and Seamus Mallon released a joint statement which said:
"There is no question or doubt that there is a very wide consensus, right across the political divide; we cannot allow this crisis to develop and deepen."
The price of unionist and nationalist stubbornness was paid on July 12, the highpoint in the Orange Order's calendar, with the murders of three young Roman Catholic brothers from Ballymoney.
"This is not protest. This is not principle. This is not statistics. It is three wee boys, Richard Quinn, Jason Quinn and Mark Quinn, burned to death in their beds," said the RUC Chief Constable, Ronnie Flanagan.
Dissident republicans continued their attacks on RUC bases and commercial targets, leaving behind a repair bill running into millions of pounds.
In August PUP leader David Ervine gave Gerry Adams an ultimatum that the onus was on Sinn Fein to make its position clear or run the risk "of collapsing" the entire process.
He said: "It is my opinion that if the IRA do not say the war is over then the Agreement is over - it's as simple as that."
Republicans opposed to the peace process, operating under the name Real IRA, carried out the worst atrocity Northern Ireland had ever known on August 15.
Their cowardly attack on Omagh's busy town centre claimed the lives of 29 people, including babies, children, teenagers, men, women, elderly and a pregnant woman.
One week after the Omagh massacre, the INLA called a cease-fire, leaving the CIRA and Real IRA as the only groups opting for the bomb rather than the ballot box. As the tide turned towards the terrorists who were committed to destroying the peace process, Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern announced major crack downs on terrorism and vowed to track down the Omagh bombers.
On September 1, Gerry Adams made the headlines when he made what many saw as the "war is over" statement.
He said: "I and Sinn Fein believe the violence we have seen must be for all of us now a thing of the past, over, done with and gone."
Hopes on decommissioning were raised the next day when Mid Ulster MP, Martin McGuiness, was named as Sinn Fein's chief negotiator on disarmament.
The Drumcree issue continued and, two months after the parade had been baited RUC man, Frankie O'Reilly, fell victim to the anger of loyalist rioters in Portadown.
History was made when David Trimble spoke face-to-face with Gerry Adams for the first time on September 7.
The same day the Real IRA declared a total ceasefire.
Three days later, the arch rivals met at a one-on-one private meeting.
Speaking afterwards, David Trimble said:
"As Sinn Fein move over the bridge from terror to democracy, people will accept them as persons who are coming down on the right side."
Just five months after the Agreement had been signed, the first paramilitary prisoners walked free from the Maze and Magilligan jails.
Four republicans and three loyalists were the first of many scheduled for release.
The Assembly reconvened on September 14 after a turbulent summer stained by murder and mayhem.
The First Minister said he wanted "a pluralist parliament for a pluralist people" with unionist and nationalists working together.
The Deputy First Minister said: "The mood of the people is to put past failings behind us, and to close that roll call of infamy to violence which has so frequently summoned us."
Decommissioning became and remains the thorn in the side of the peace process.
David Trimble and Seamus Mallon clashed on the issue and its impact on the formation of an Executive, including Sinn Fein, in advance of IRA disarmament.
On September 29 David Trimble, Seamus Mallon and Gerry Adams took their differences to Tony Blair at the Labour Party Conference in Blackpool.
Again Gerry Adams called on Tony Blair to abandon support for the Union and to start working for a united Ireland.
He said: "To uphold the Union means using repression, denying civil and human rights and defending equality and injustice."
The decommissioning deadlock raged on into October and became the basis of evident deepening divisions within unionism following the emergence of a new group called Union First.
Ulster Unionists, faithful to their party leader, launched a scathing attack on the new group claiming its intention was to stab David Trimble in the back.
Dermott Nesbitt said: "All I find at this moment are many shades of unionism, from the DUP to the UKUP to some even within my own party, sad as it is, who are undermining that position of trying to secure a stable government by calling into question David Trimble's veracity as leader."
On October 12, the Eire government hinted that a breakthrough on the arms impasse, which is currently holding up the Northern Ireland peace process, could be reached by the end of the month.
One year on from the famous Blair-Adams handshake, much has been accomplished in Northern Ireland's political arena as the Province takes its first steps towards peace. A long road, however, lies ahead.
Further Information
Publisher: NEWS LETTER
Ref: NL/344
Published Date: 15-Oct-98
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