IT'S TIME FOR SINN FEIN TO CUT LINKS WITH VIOLENCE
Its time for Sinn Fein to cut the links with violence
IT IS important for republicans to realise how serious a setback to the Agreement the horror in Omagh was. The danger is it may provide the pretext for a number of faint-hearts or closet Paisleyites in David Trimble's party to go independent or, worse, defect to Bob McCartney's crew. Either move would deny Trimble the majority he needs for unionist consensus in the Assembley.
The republican response to any suggestion of concessions to Trimble is refusal to accept how difficult things are for the UUP, or that unionists genuinely have problems believing mainstream republican violence is over. Many republicans believe it is a ploy and that being nice to Trimble means he says thanks, takes all and gives nothing.
The reality is that republicans and nationalists on the one hand, and unionists on the other, seem to live in a parallel universe unable to perceive each other's political existence until they collide like matter and anti-matter and annihilate each other. Trimble and Adams urgently need to communicate. True, it's not for want of trying on Adams's part and Trimble's behaviour in rebuffing Adams has been appalling.
Perhaps they should appoint Blair's man, Jonathan Powell as a facilitator? If they did, the first request Powell would convey from Trimble would be that Adams declare the war is over. Of course he won't and can't and there are all sorts of reasons why not. Still, there are other words and Omagh provides both an opportunity and a challenge to the republican leadership to find them.
They need to realise that many unionists, and remember only 51 per cent of unionists voted for the Agreement, believe that two years down the road when all the prisoners are out republicans will make a series of demands, and if they're not granted, will begin the campaign again. Since they live in a parallel universe, nationalists and republicans know this is nonsense and will not happen because, as Danny Morrison said, there's no appetite for armed struggle any more.
That remark was supposed to be a help for unionists since it came from the man who coined the Armalite and ballot box phrase. Unionists in their sealed world either didn't hear, didn't understand the significance of it or chose to ignore it. They need something more explicit.
Gerry Adams's categorical condemnation of Omagh was a watershed, the first time a republican leader has used the verb 'condemn' about any violence. Typically unionists gave him no credit for it. Even so, Omagh offers him the opportunity to dissociate himself from all violence or the future use of violence. Yes it's true that in republican theology the Irish people always have the right to use force against 'British forces of occupation' and to reject that option knocks away yet another pillar of the republican temple.
Nevertheless, Adams has been redesigning the temple for over fifteen years now. Here is an opportunity at one and the same time to explain why violence will never be used again and to demonstrate why the campaign of the 32-County/Real IRA lot is bankrupt, futile and immoral. It's as simple as this. The amendments to the Irish constitution voted through in May mean the Irish people have voted to allow a national minority to opt out of the Irish nation.
Even in the improbable case of a British withdrawal that right is incorporated in the Irish constitution and there couldn't be a united Ireland in the old sense without unionist consent. Bunreacht na hEireann has been rewritten on the principle of consent. So a campaign of violence couldn't succeed by definition because it's coercive: it defies the will of the Irish people as expressed by an overwhelming majority north and south on 22 May.
Therefore, in order to give allegiance to the amended Irish constitution which they voted for in May, Sinn Fein may not endorse any violent campaign now or in the future. Gerry Adams doesn't have to say the war's over to please David Trimble, but he does need to explain to republicans what the amendments to Bunreacht na hEireann mean. In doing so he will expose the disgraceful campaign of the so-called Real IRA for what it is.
It is driven by personal animosity and rivalry, it is directed to cause maximum embarrassment to the Adams/McGuinness leadership, it is wilfully sectarian and it is designed to thwart the will of the Irish people as expressed through the ballot box. There's no point in trying to mollycoddle the dissidents or ignore them to prevent more republicans joining them. The split has happened, they are defying the mainstream leadership and know they can do so with impunity because of the Mitchell Principles.
The republican leadership should be confident that the overwhelming majority of republicans and nationalists abhor the activities of the dissidents and want them to be caught and jailed. There's a chance now for the Sinn Fein leadership to harness the intense revulsion about Omagh in the nationalist community to dissociate themselves finally and implacably from political violence. It's inevitable they will have to do it. They couldn't choose a better moment or a better reason.
IT IS important for republicans to realise how serious a setback to the Agreement the horror in Omagh was. The danger is it may provide the pretext for a number of faint-hearts or closet Paisleyites in David Trimble's party to go independent or, worse, defect to Bob McCartney's crew. Either move would deny Trimble the majority he needs for unionist consensus in the Assembley.
The republican response to any suggestion of concessions to Trimble is refusal to accept how difficult things are for the UUP, or that unionists genuinely have problems believing mainstream republican violence is over. Many republicans believe it is a ploy and that being nice to Trimble means he says thanks, takes all and gives nothing.
The reality is that republicans and nationalists on the one hand, and unionists on the other, seem to live in a parallel universe unable to perceive each other's political existence until they collide like matter and anti-matter and annihilate each other. Trimble and Adams urgently need to communicate. True, it's not for want of trying on Adams's part and Trimble's behaviour in rebuffing Adams has been appalling.
Perhaps they should appoint Blair's man, Jonathan Powell as a facilitator? If they did, the first request Powell would convey from Trimble would be that Adams declare the war is over. Of course he won't and can't and there are all sorts of reasons why not. Still, there are other words and Omagh provides both an opportunity and a challenge to the republican leadership to find them.
They need to realise that many unionists, and remember only 51 per cent of unionists voted for the Agreement, believe that two years down the road when all the prisoners are out republicans will make a series of demands, and if they're not granted, will begin the campaign again. Since they live in a parallel universe, nationalists and republicans know this is nonsense and will not happen because, as Danny Morrison said, there's no appetite for armed struggle any more.
That remark was supposed to be a help for unionists since it came from the man who coined the Armalite and ballot box phrase. Unionists in their sealed world either didn't hear, didn't understand the significance of it or chose to ignore it. They need something more explicit.
Gerry Adams's categorical condemnation of Omagh was a watershed, the first time a republican leader has used the verb 'condemn' about any violence. Typically unionists gave him no credit for it. Even so, Omagh offers him the opportunity to dissociate himself from all violence or the future use of violence. Yes it's true that in republican theology the Irish people always have the right to use force against 'British forces of occupation' and to reject that option knocks away yet another pillar of the republican temple.
Nevertheless, Adams has been redesigning the temple for over fifteen years now. Here is an opportunity at one and the same time to explain why violence will never be used again and to demonstrate why the campaign of the 32-County/Real IRA lot is bankrupt, futile and immoral. It's as simple as this. The amendments to the Irish constitution voted through in May mean the Irish people have voted to allow a national minority to opt out of the Irish nation.
Even in the improbable case of a British withdrawal that right is incorporated in the Irish constitution and there couldn't be a united Ireland in the old sense without unionist consent. Bunreacht na hEireann has been rewritten on the principle of consent. So a campaign of violence couldn't succeed by definition because it's coercive: it defies the will of the Irish people as expressed by an overwhelming majority north and south on 22 May.
Therefore, in order to give allegiance to the amended Irish constitution which they voted for in May, Sinn Fein may not endorse any violent campaign now or in the future. Gerry Adams doesn't have to say the war's over to please David Trimble, but he does need to explain to republicans what the amendments to Bunreacht na hEireann mean. In doing so he will expose the disgraceful campaign of the so-called Real IRA for what it is.
It is driven by personal animosity and rivalry, it is directed to cause maximum embarrassment to the Adams/McGuinness leadership, it is wilfully sectarian and it is designed to thwart the will of the Irish people as expressed through the ballot box. There's no point in trying to mollycoddle the dissidents or ignore them to prevent more republicans joining them. The split has happened, they are defying the mainstream leadership and know they can do so with impunity because of the Mitchell Principles.
The republican leadership should be confident that the overwhelming majority of republicans and nationalists abhor the activities of the dissidents and want them to be caught and jailed. There's a chance now for the Sinn Fein leadership to harness the intense revulsion about Omagh in the nationalist community to dissociate themselves finally and implacably from political violence. It's inevitable they will have to do it. They couldn't choose a better moment or a better reason.
Further Information
Publisher: THE IRISH NEWS
Ref: IN/0036
Published Date: 17-Aug-98
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