A QUESTION OF GOING THE EXTRA MILE
A question of going the extra mile
Barry White
To A background of twin-engined Chinook helicopters carrying out practice runs for President Clinton's visit to Northern Ireland tomorrow, Gerry Adams finally has gone close to saying the IRA's war is over. The statement came from Sinn Fein, not the IRA, but it is the kind of response which Mr Clinton, as well as Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern, have been hoping and working for all summer. Without it, the Assembly was heading for certain stalemate when it resumes on September 14, just six weeks ahead of the October 31 deadline for establishing the North-South council and implementation bodies. Will Adams's announcement that "violence must be a thing of the past, over, done with, gone" - echoing Blair's plea in May that the war be "finished, done with, gone" - be enough for the unionists, who refuse to sit in government with Sinn Fein while the IRA remains active? Probably not, because the IRA gave no hint in the An Phoblacht interview released yesterday that it - as opposed to Sinn Fein - was ready to declare the war at an end. Also it explicitly rejected calls for decommissioning of weapons.
But the statement goes further than ever before to distance Sinn Fein from all paramilitary violence. If the IRA continues to carry out brutal punishment beatings, mostly to maintain discipline in its own ranks, the politicians will be forced to justify or condemn them. They can no longer stay silent. Unionists must privately welcome the move, but publicly are certain to ask for more. Only last weekend, Assemblyman Reg Empey, who is close to David Trimble, said that token decommissioning would not qualify Sinn Fein for the two places in Cabinet to which they are entitled. Steps had to be taken to disband the organisation, to stop targeting and to begin a process of decommissioning that would be complete by May 2001.
Ken Maginnis, the UUP security spokesman, was equally cautious last night, admitting to being "encouraged," but awaiting action on decommissioning. Fine words, he said, would have to be followed by proof that weapons were being handed in. From the DUP's Ian Paisley, Jnr, there was predictable cynicism about a "carefully choreographed" statement, timed to coincide with President Clinton's visit. Many right-wing unionists will agree with his assessment that "no serious person should put any stock on it whatsoever" despite Downing Street's instant welcome. Nevertheless, the fact that Adams has gone public and that the IRA has roundly condemned the Real IRA's bombing of Omagh is proof that the pressure exerted from Washington, Dublin and London for an olive branch gesture has paid off. President Clinton's visit is seen as an opportunity to re-start the political process, obstructed by the refusal of Trimble even to talk to Adams, and open the way for the formation of an executive.
Unless the Assembly can rapidly make progress, faith in it could evaporate, killing the chances of meeting the Agreement's ultimate deadline of a handover of power, by London, next February.
The hope must be that, despite Mr Clinton's obvious handicap, as a lame duck, wounded president, he still has the incentive and the authority to call on both Trimble and Adams to go an extra mile.
Adams may say he has gone as far as he can, without risking another split that could spawn another Real IRA, while Trimble would argue that with his Assembly party evenly divided, he cannot back down from his demand that Sinn Fein honour the Agreement in its entirety - including the pledge on decommissioning. Yet they have both come so far, in the 12 months since they backed gingerly into the multi-party talks, and so many crises have been overcome, that it is difficult to see them throwing in their hand. The question is whether there is enough time remaining for confidence-building measures - like this week's statements - to take effect. The peace process will remain on a knife-edge, and perhaps the only way it can be consolidated is by the IRA delivering on at least one of its promises - to disclose the results of its inquiries into the whereabouts of the 14 "disappeared" victims.
But nothing will be normal, until the decommissioning against which the IRA has set its face begins. Its effect may be more psychological than real, since surrendered weapons can easily be replaced, and nationalists pooh-pooh it. For better or worse, however, it has become an article of faith for unionists - and their test of Sinn Fein's still-questionable sincerity.
Barry White
To A background of twin-engined Chinook helicopters carrying out practice runs for President Clinton's visit to Northern Ireland tomorrow, Gerry Adams finally has gone close to saying the IRA's war is over. The statement came from Sinn Fein, not the IRA, but it is the kind of response which Mr Clinton, as well as Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern, have been hoping and working for all summer. Without it, the Assembly was heading for certain stalemate when it resumes on September 14, just six weeks ahead of the October 31 deadline for establishing the North-South council and implementation bodies. Will Adams's announcement that "violence must be a thing of the past, over, done with, gone" - echoing Blair's plea in May that the war be "finished, done with, gone" - be enough for the unionists, who refuse to sit in government with Sinn Fein while the IRA remains active? Probably not, because the IRA gave no hint in the An Phoblacht interview released yesterday that it - as opposed to Sinn Fein - was ready to declare the war at an end. Also it explicitly rejected calls for decommissioning of weapons.
But the statement goes further than ever before to distance Sinn Fein from all paramilitary violence. If the IRA continues to carry out brutal punishment beatings, mostly to maintain discipline in its own ranks, the politicians will be forced to justify or condemn them. They can no longer stay silent. Unionists must privately welcome the move, but publicly are certain to ask for more. Only last weekend, Assemblyman Reg Empey, who is close to David Trimble, said that token decommissioning would not qualify Sinn Fein for the two places in Cabinet to which they are entitled. Steps had to be taken to disband the organisation, to stop targeting and to begin a process of decommissioning that would be complete by May 2001.
Ken Maginnis, the UUP security spokesman, was equally cautious last night, admitting to being "encouraged," but awaiting action on decommissioning. Fine words, he said, would have to be followed by proof that weapons were being handed in. From the DUP's Ian Paisley, Jnr, there was predictable cynicism about a "carefully choreographed" statement, timed to coincide with President Clinton's visit. Many right-wing unionists will agree with his assessment that "no serious person should put any stock on it whatsoever" despite Downing Street's instant welcome. Nevertheless, the fact that Adams has gone public and that the IRA has roundly condemned the Real IRA's bombing of Omagh is proof that the pressure exerted from Washington, Dublin and London for an olive branch gesture has paid off. President Clinton's visit is seen as an opportunity to re-start the political process, obstructed by the refusal of Trimble even to talk to Adams, and open the way for the formation of an executive.
Unless the Assembly can rapidly make progress, faith in it could evaporate, killing the chances of meeting the Agreement's ultimate deadline of a handover of power, by London, next February.
The hope must be that, despite Mr Clinton's obvious handicap, as a lame duck, wounded president, he still has the incentive and the authority to call on both Trimble and Adams to go an extra mile.
Adams may say he has gone as far as he can, without risking another split that could spawn another Real IRA, while Trimble would argue that with his Assembly party evenly divided, he cannot back down from his demand that Sinn Fein honour the Agreement in its entirety - including the pledge on decommissioning. Yet they have both come so far, in the 12 months since they backed gingerly into the multi-party talks, and so many crises have been overcome, that it is difficult to see them throwing in their hand. The question is whether there is enough time remaining for confidence-building measures - like this week's statements - to take effect. The peace process will remain on a knife-edge, and perhaps the only way it can be consolidated is by the IRA delivering on at least one of its promises - to disclose the results of its inquiries into the whereabouts of the 14 "disappeared" victims.
But nothing will be normal, until the decommissioning against which the IRA has set its face begins. Its effect may be more psychological than real, since surrendered weapons can easily be replaced, and nationalists pooh-pooh it. For better or worse, however, it has become an article of faith for unionists - and their test of Sinn Fein's still-questionable sincerity.
Further Information
Publisher: IRISH INDEPENDENT
Ref: II/212
Published Date: 02-Sep-98
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