THE SILENCE THAT CONTINUES TO DELAY FINAL SETTLEMENT
The silence that continues to delay final settlement
By MICHAEL GOVE
THE North will fall silent this afternoon, as it did last week in the wake of an explosion no-one expected and no-one has supported.
One week after the Omagh bombing, churchmen have reached out to organise rallies for peace. A service of solidarity has also been organised at St Martin's-in-the-Field in London's Trafalgar Square. At ten past three this afternoon, seven days exactly after the explosion, there will be a minute's silence. That respectful silence is the very least the dead deserve.
But for those they leave behind, the abiding wish is not for silence but talk. Not the empty apologies of the perpetrators afraid to take responsibility for their actions, but talk between the Province's politicians to build a just and lasting peace.
The rallies that have been organised are themselves a cause for hope. One of those most delighted by the coming together across the sectarian divide is the priest at the Church of Our Lady in Harryville, near Ballymena in Ian Paisley's North Antrim constituency. Since 1996 worshippers attending Mass at the church have been harassed and intimidated by a jeering loyalist mob but, since the Good Friday agreement, the protesters have drifted away. "It is a relief,'' remarks Father Sean Connolly, "and I hope that we have put all that behind us.''
Father Connolly has been encouraged this week in his hope that sectarianism is on the wane in this staunchly Protestant town. The Protestant community has enthusiastically involved him in the planning of the peace rally this afternoon. "It's the first time all the churches have got together for something of this kind in Ballymena. It's a good sign.''
This week there was another promising, and significant, glimpse of hope for those who wish to see old suspicions subside. The North's First Minister, David Trimble, attended the Catholic funeral of the three young boys from Buncrana who were killed in Omagh. It was a simple act of respect from one who has known good friends killed by the IRA, but it was also an historic step forward.
It is easy to describe the North's divisions as religious, but the most profound cleavages are political. The most important distinction is not between Catholic and Protestant but between democrats and those who can contemplate violence. That feeling was reinforced earlier this year when churches of all denominations became the targets of arson attacks. According to one Protestant clergyman in Ballymena, "it was terrible, but it helped us all see again what the real problem was we had to unite against all who would use violence.''
Many in Northern Ireland, including Ballymena's churchmen, hope that good may similarly come from the Omagh bombing. The horrendous toll of Catholics and Protestants, nationalists and Unionists killed or injured by the bomb may drive democrats, of every stripe, closer together in their determination to overcome violence, even if it comes from those "on your own side''.
The continuation of republican violence through punishment beatings which have become more and more savage poses a direct threat not only to the lives of individuals in nationalist neighbourhoods but the wider peace process. If Sinn Fein and the IRA were to declare that the conflict was over, and begin decommissioning, then they would no longer have an 'iron fist' to control their areas.
Some activists might drift towards dissident movements, other citizens would feel empowered to oppose them. The republicans would see their power base quickly crumble. But, without decommissioning and a signal that the IRA's armed campaign has ended, the next stage of the peace process could stall.
When the new Assembly meets next month it must set about forming a 'shadow' executive that will assume responsibility for the government of the North. Sinn Fein is entitled to two places on that executive, with Mr Trimble at its head. But he will face open revolt from his own supporters if he enters an executive with Sinn Fein while the IRA remains armed.
One senior Unionist party officer explained: "Our people aren't disposed to make distinctions between Sinn Fein/IRA and the Real IRA. After everything that's happened this week, if David tries to enter a shadow executive with Adams and there's been no decommissioning, then that'll be the end of him.''
The mood among Unionists is cooling towards the peace agreement. Even one of Mr Trimble's closest supporters admits: "I haven't found one of our people with a good word to say about it this summer.'' Although the vast majority of Mr Trimble's colleagues in the Assembly are strongly in favour of the agreement, there is a sense that some are developing icy feet. This autumn they face a series of meetings with activists who are not in the mood for further accommodations with unrepentant republicans.
One leading Unionist fears that "either David will be broken, or the agreement. He cannot share power with Sinn Fein, but if he doesn't go onto the executive with them then they'll blame us for stalling the peace process.'' It would be the wickedest of paradoxes if the party blamed for blighting the peace was operating in tune with democratic feeling and the party that did the blaming was the one that met democratic dissent with a bullet.
Those who meet to pray this afternoon already have seen 'people power' move obstacles to progress. They must hope that popular feeling leads Sinn Fein and the IRA to declare their war is over.After this afternoon Mr Adams will not be excused if he keeps silent on that.
By MICHAEL GOVE
THE North will fall silent this afternoon, as it did last week in the wake of an explosion no-one expected and no-one has supported.
One week after the Omagh bombing, churchmen have reached out to organise rallies for peace. A service of solidarity has also been organised at St Martin's-in-the-Field in London's Trafalgar Square. At ten past three this afternoon, seven days exactly after the explosion, there will be a minute's silence. That respectful silence is the very least the dead deserve.
But for those they leave behind, the abiding wish is not for silence but talk. Not the empty apologies of the perpetrators afraid to take responsibility for their actions, but talk between the Province's politicians to build a just and lasting peace.
The rallies that have been organised are themselves a cause for hope. One of those most delighted by the coming together across the sectarian divide is the priest at the Church of Our Lady in Harryville, near Ballymena in Ian Paisley's North Antrim constituency. Since 1996 worshippers attending Mass at the church have been harassed and intimidated by a jeering loyalist mob but, since the Good Friday agreement, the protesters have drifted away. "It is a relief,'' remarks Father Sean Connolly, "and I hope that we have put all that behind us.''
Father Connolly has been encouraged this week in his hope that sectarianism is on the wane in this staunchly Protestant town. The Protestant community has enthusiastically involved him in the planning of the peace rally this afternoon. "It's the first time all the churches have got together for something of this kind in Ballymena. It's a good sign.''
This week there was another promising, and significant, glimpse of hope for those who wish to see old suspicions subside. The North's First Minister, David Trimble, attended the Catholic funeral of the three young boys from Buncrana who were killed in Omagh. It was a simple act of respect from one who has known good friends killed by the IRA, but it was also an historic step forward.
It is easy to describe the North's divisions as religious, but the most profound cleavages are political. The most important distinction is not between Catholic and Protestant but between democrats and those who can contemplate violence. That feeling was reinforced earlier this year when churches of all denominations became the targets of arson attacks. According to one Protestant clergyman in Ballymena, "it was terrible, but it helped us all see again what the real problem was we had to unite against all who would use violence.''
Many in Northern Ireland, including Ballymena's churchmen, hope that good may similarly come from the Omagh bombing. The horrendous toll of Catholics and Protestants, nationalists and Unionists killed or injured by the bomb may drive democrats, of every stripe, closer together in their determination to overcome violence, even if it comes from those "on your own side''.
The continuation of republican violence through punishment beatings which have become more and more savage poses a direct threat not only to the lives of individuals in nationalist neighbourhoods but the wider peace process. If Sinn Fein and the IRA were to declare that the conflict was over, and begin decommissioning, then they would no longer have an 'iron fist' to control their areas.
Some activists might drift towards dissident movements, other citizens would feel empowered to oppose them. The republicans would see their power base quickly crumble. But, without decommissioning and a signal that the IRA's armed campaign has ended, the next stage of the peace process could stall.
When the new Assembly meets next month it must set about forming a 'shadow' executive that will assume responsibility for the government of the North. Sinn Fein is entitled to two places on that executive, with Mr Trimble at its head. But he will face open revolt from his own supporters if he enters an executive with Sinn Fein while the IRA remains armed.
One senior Unionist party officer explained: "Our people aren't disposed to make distinctions between Sinn Fein/IRA and the Real IRA. After everything that's happened this week, if David tries to enter a shadow executive with Adams and there's been no decommissioning, then that'll be the end of him.''
The mood among Unionists is cooling towards the peace agreement. Even one of Mr Trimble's closest supporters admits: "I haven't found one of our people with a good word to say about it this summer.'' Although the vast majority of Mr Trimble's colleagues in the Assembly are strongly in favour of the agreement, there is a sense that some are developing icy feet. This autumn they face a series of meetings with activists who are not in the mood for further accommodations with unrepentant republicans.
One leading Unionist fears that "either David will be broken, or the agreement. He cannot share power with Sinn Fein, but if he doesn't go onto the executive with them then they'll blame us for stalling the peace process.'' It would be the wickedest of paradoxes if the party blamed for blighting the peace was operating in tune with democratic feeling and the party that did the blaming was the one that met democratic dissent with a bullet.
Those who meet to pray this afternoon already have seen 'people power' move obstacles to progress. They must hope that popular feeling leads Sinn Fein and the IRA to declare their war is over.After this afternoon Mr Adams will not be excused if he keeps silent on that.
Further Information
Publisher: IRISH INDEPENDENT
Ref: II/095
Published Date: 22-Aug-98
Related Images
There have been no images archived for this article.