CLINTON BREAKS THE ICE
Clinton breaks the ice
As President Clinton carried out his busy round of engagements in Northern Ireland today, he already knew that one of the main objectives of his visit had been accomplished. The mere fact of his presence, and the media attention it attracts, has achieved more progress in the peace process in the last two days than in the previous two months, since the June election.
The parties appeared to be marking time, despite the appointment of the First Minister, David Trimble, and the Deputy, Seamus Mallon, and nothing was moving. Drumcree remains unsolved - though the tragic deaths of the three Quinn brothers pulled everyone back from the brink - and the bomb at Banbridge was another commercial disaster. The stalemate was as deep as ever, until the obscenity of Omagh, but since then the pace of change has been breathtaking.
Of course, it is no coincidence that Sinn Fein reserved their most conciliatory statements until the eve of the President's visit. Gerry Adams had previously condemned the Omagh bombers without equivocation, but he carefully chose this week to reaffirm his party's commitment to exclusively peaceful and democratic means, adding that for Sinn Fein violence must be "a thing of the past, over, done with and gone".
He did not use the words, "the war is over", but that was the effect. There can be no going back on a statement that spells out his belief that "inclusive and honest dialogue is the only way forward in this country". Mitchel McLoughlin, chairperson of Sinn Fein, underlined the message in an article in this newspaper yesterday, when he said republicans knew the political struggle would be long and arduous, "with bitter blows from time to time".
There is a new realisation of the immense job that lies ahead, not only to get the parties to speak to each other, but to get down to working on what unites them. Another hurdle was cleared when Sinn Fein appointed Martin McGuinness to liaise with the independent Commission on Decommissioning, in accordance with the obligation in the Agreement, in apparent contradiction to the IRA's refusal, on Monday, to consider decommissioning.
It is impossible, at this point, to say with any certainty what, if anything, this flurry of activity means. It must be partly a reaction to the pressure exerted from Washington, London and Dublin, in advance of the Clinton trip, and partly an attempt to gather some favourable media publicity.
Unionists have good reason to be cautious, knowing how important it is to Sinn Fein to improve their image and advance their cause for their two places on the executive and representation on the North-South bodies. They want the fine words about an end to violence to be translated into practical action on decommissioning and a dismantling of the paramiltiary machine.
Yet they cannot help but respond to what the world sees as olive branches, at a critical stage of the development of the Belfast Agreement. Sinn Fein have not yet gone far enough with practical confidence-building measures to qualify for instant membership of an executive, but it must be acknowledged they have come a long way in a short time.
There should be no further objection, and no hair-splitting, about the face-to-face meeting between David Trimble and Gerry Adams next week, when the First and Deputy Minister confer with all the party leaders. As First Minister, Mr Trimble has duties to perform on behalf of the entire electorate - republicans and nationalists, as well as unionists and loyalists - and one of them must be to test the commitment of politicians associated with paramilitaries, on both sides, to a peaceful way forward.
If that can be established, and the parties show, in accordance with the Agreement, their intention "to work constructively and in good faith with the Independent Commission", using their influence to achieve decommissioning of all arms within two years, then the way will be open to forming a multi-party executive. That would enable the North-South bodies to be formed, and the final step would be the handover of powers, from London, next February.
There are still question-marks over every stage of the process and the two governments must show that they mean business with their tougher anti-terrorist laws. Yet even the most sceptical observers of the Northern Ireland political scene would have to admit that, resulting from Omagh and the Clinton visit, the process is moving forward. The Agreement was only an outline of what the new Northern Ireland could be, needing confidence-building on all sides. At last, there are signs that the ice is being broken.
As President Clinton carried out his busy round of engagements in Northern Ireland today, he already knew that one of the main objectives of his visit had been accomplished. The mere fact of his presence, and the media attention it attracts, has achieved more progress in the peace process in the last two days than in the previous two months, since the June election.
The parties appeared to be marking time, despite the appointment of the First Minister, David Trimble, and the Deputy, Seamus Mallon, and nothing was moving. Drumcree remains unsolved - though the tragic deaths of the three Quinn brothers pulled everyone back from the brink - and the bomb at Banbridge was another commercial disaster. The stalemate was as deep as ever, until the obscenity of Omagh, but since then the pace of change has been breathtaking.
Of course, it is no coincidence that Sinn Fein reserved their most conciliatory statements until the eve of the President's visit. Gerry Adams had previously condemned the Omagh bombers without equivocation, but he carefully chose this week to reaffirm his party's commitment to exclusively peaceful and democratic means, adding that for Sinn Fein violence must be "a thing of the past, over, done with and gone".
He did not use the words, "the war is over", but that was the effect. There can be no going back on a statement that spells out his belief that "inclusive and honest dialogue is the only way forward in this country". Mitchel McLoughlin, chairperson of Sinn Fein, underlined the message in an article in this newspaper yesterday, when he said republicans knew the political struggle would be long and arduous, "with bitter blows from time to time".
There is a new realisation of the immense job that lies ahead, not only to get the parties to speak to each other, but to get down to working on what unites them. Another hurdle was cleared when Sinn Fein appointed Martin McGuinness to liaise with the independent Commission on Decommissioning, in accordance with the obligation in the Agreement, in apparent contradiction to the IRA's refusal, on Monday, to consider decommissioning.
It is impossible, at this point, to say with any certainty what, if anything, this flurry of activity means. It must be partly a reaction to the pressure exerted from Washington, London and Dublin, in advance of the Clinton trip, and partly an attempt to gather some favourable media publicity.
Unionists have good reason to be cautious, knowing how important it is to Sinn Fein to improve their image and advance their cause for their two places on the executive and representation on the North-South bodies. They want the fine words about an end to violence to be translated into practical action on decommissioning and a dismantling of the paramiltiary machine.
Yet they cannot help but respond to what the world sees as olive branches, at a critical stage of the development of the Belfast Agreement. Sinn Fein have not yet gone far enough with practical confidence-building measures to qualify for instant membership of an executive, but it must be acknowledged they have come a long way in a short time.
There should be no further objection, and no hair-splitting, about the face-to-face meeting between David Trimble and Gerry Adams next week, when the First and Deputy Minister confer with all the party leaders. As First Minister, Mr Trimble has duties to perform on behalf of the entire electorate - republicans and nationalists, as well as unionists and loyalists - and one of them must be to test the commitment of politicians associated with paramilitaries, on both sides, to a peaceful way forward.
If that can be established, and the parties show, in accordance with the Agreement, their intention "to work constructively and in good faith with the Independent Commission", using their influence to achieve decommissioning of all arms within two years, then the way will be open to forming a multi-party executive. That would enable the North-South bodies to be formed, and the final step would be the handover of powers, from London, next February.
There are still question-marks over every stage of the process and the two governments must show that they mean business with their tougher anti-terrorist laws. Yet even the most sceptical observers of the Northern Ireland political scene would have to admit that, resulting from Omagh and the Clinton visit, the process is moving forward. The Agreement was only an outline of what the new Northern Ireland could be, needing confidence-building on all sides. At last, there are signs that the ice is being broken.
Further Information
Publisher: BELFAST TELEGRAPH
Ref: BT/0371
Published Date: 03-Sep-98
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