BILL WHICH IS AN OBVIOUS MISHMASH
Bill which is an obvious mishmash
Desmond McCartan
THERE is a nervous fear among many MPs that the public resents their long summer holiday.
Since the Government took office in May last year. New Labour has aimed to deflect such criticism with the notion that, even with its asset of a huge majority, MPs are always hard at work.
Yesterday, after they were recalled to Westminster, it was clear that the decision, particularly in the light of the Irish Republic's move, was justified.
With the restoration and building work temporarily shelved, Tony Blair's government orchestrated the whole panoply of Westminster's desire to show that democracy is the master of an unexpected crisis.
But, I fear, for the grieving people of Omagh (and other many serious episodes of violence which got barely a mention) the comfort is sparse indeed.
As ever, the collective ability of the Commons (there are always notable exceptions) to display sombre regard after the horror of August 15 was not in doubt.
An emotional Mr Blair, William Hague and others said what many expected them to say.
Others like West Tyrone MP Willie Thompson (harshly judged for a somewhat ponderous style) spoke more obviously - and movingly - from the heart.
But MPs, after making a respectful tribute and obligatory condemnation, showed that they have clear unease at the manner and substance of the Government's response to the atrocity.
For well over an hour, MPs were embroiled in an argument about the merits of legislating in haste, of being run rough-shod over by a powerful administration and their own self-interests.
Whatever the Government's defence (and ministers always have to be seen to be acting on a tragedy of such a scale) there is every sign that this is a week which MPs may rue for some time.
It is all too easy for Westminster to believe that it has a superior view of the world; indeed, many would argue that it is out of step with public opinion for a lot of the time.
This is a view which may not matter if the judgment of the Labour Governments response to the Omagh atrocity is that, in step with Dublin's toughness, a decisive line has been adopted.
But the Criminal Justice (Terrorism and Conspiracy) Bill, which was set to become law later today after a marathon all night sitting, will surely be judged to be an obvious mishmash.
A combination of the desire (entirely proper and justified) to quash ultras engaged in a continuing struggle with a need to satisfy US demands to be tough on international terrorism, may be justified.
But, as time may well prove, the mere enactment of legislation in itself cannot hold out as a promise to remove the scourge of terrorism at the tail-end of this century.
To be sure, the Government would repudiate most forcefully any idea that there is a strong public relations element to its rusn into legislation this week.
That undoubtedly will be reinforced if, against most expectations, the RUC immediately deploys this extra legislative weapon to remove from circulation those who see a prolonged "war" as the only way.
But, despite the best of motives, the message from Westminster this week may end up reinforcing a sense of confusion and ambivalence which characterises the Government's otherwise virtuous aims.
It would be a disservice to the victims of continuing violence, if it makes little impact because it turns out to be ineffective.
To critics and even some supporters, this is a well-intentioned, but hasty and ill-judged attempt to draw a further line under the curse of the gun and the bomb in Irish politics.
Potentially, the most powerful weapon is an all-embracing will of people after Omagh to repudiate violence for good. It may not be the end of the war; but, day by day, it looks doomed to fail.
Desmond McCartan
THERE is a nervous fear among many MPs that the public resents their long summer holiday.
Since the Government took office in May last year. New Labour has aimed to deflect such criticism with the notion that, even with its asset of a huge majority, MPs are always hard at work.
Yesterday, after they were recalled to Westminster, it was clear that the decision, particularly in the light of the Irish Republic's move, was justified.
With the restoration and building work temporarily shelved, Tony Blair's government orchestrated the whole panoply of Westminster's desire to show that democracy is the master of an unexpected crisis.
But, I fear, for the grieving people of Omagh (and other many serious episodes of violence which got barely a mention) the comfort is sparse indeed.
As ever, the collective ability of the Commons (there are always notable exceptions) to display sombre regard after the horror of August 15 was not in doubt.
An emotional Mr Blair, William Hague and others said what many expected them to say.
Others like West Tyrone MP Willie Thompson (harshly judged for a somewhat ponderous style) spoke more obviously - and movingly - from the heart.
But MPs, after making a respectful tribute and obligatory condemnation, showed that they have clear unease at the manner and substance of the Government's response to the atrocity.
For well over an hour, MPs were embroiled in an argument about the merits of legislating in haste, of being run rough-shod over by a powerful administration and their own self-interests.
Whatever the Government's defence (and ministers always have to be seen to be acting on a tragedy of such a scale) there is every sign that this is a week which MPs may rue for some time.
It is all too easy for Westminster to believe that it has a superior view of the world; indeed, many would argue that it is out of step with public opinion for a lot of the time.
This is a view which may not matter if the judgment of the Labour Governments response to the Omagh atrocity is that, in step with Dublin's toughness, a decisive line has been adopted.
But the Criminal Justice (Terrorism and Conspiracy) Bill, which was set to become law later today after a marathon all night sitting, will surely be judged to be an obvious mishmash.
A combination of the desire (entirely proper and justified) to quash ultras engaged in a continuing struggle with a need to satisfy US demands to be tough on international terrorism, may be justified.
But, as time may well prove, the mere enactment of legislation in itself cannot hold out as a promise to remove the scourge of terrorism at the tail-end of this century.
To be sure, the Government would repudiate most forcefully any idea that there is a strong public relations element to its rusn into legislation this week.
That undoubtedly will be reinforced if, against most expectations, the RUC immediately deploys this extra legislative weapon to remove from circulation those who see a prolonged "war" as the only way.
But, despite the best of motives, the message from Westminster this week may end up reinforcing a sense of confusion and ambivalence which characterises the Government's otherwise virtuous aims.
It would be a disservice to the victims of continuing violence, if it makes little impact because it turns out to be ineffective.
To critics and even some supporters, this is a well-intentioned, but hasty and ill-judged attempt to draw a further line under the curse of the gun and the bomb in Irish politics.
Potentially, the most powerful weapon is an all-embracing will of people after Omagh to repudiate violence for good. It may not be the end of the war; but, day by day, it looks doomed to fail.
Further Information
Publisher: BELFAST TELEGRAPH
Ref: BT/0362
Published Date: 03-Sep-98
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