ROAD TO DEMOCRACY
Road to democracy
BLAIR'S PLEDGES: Decommissioning must not be fudged
TONY Blair arrives in Belfast today at a crucial time for the peace process. His visit is mainly connected with the aftermath of the Omagh tragedy and the need for new laws to combat dissident paramilitary groups like the Real IRA. Yet he must know that even if there had been no bomb in Omagh, and no worldwide revulsion against paramilitary savagery, the political alternative is making very slow progress.
The Prime Minister is due to spell out the government's reaction, following that of Dublin, to the menace of diehard republicanism north and south of the border. Harsh new measures can be expected, to make it easier to arrest and find incriminating evidence on those who are intent on wrecking the Assembly. The ordinary public, however, could be excused for finding some of the messages that have been delivered recently as confusing - suggesting that the government is adopting a hard line against some forms of terrorism, while being softer with others.
Organisations like the Real IRA are to be hunted down, it seems, whereas the original Provisional IRA continues to be given plenty of latitude. No one questions that, at present, the godfathers of the Real IRA are the greatest threat to the peace, but other paramilitary organisations have so far delivered nothing but the silence of their guns, increasingly with the prospect of early prisoner releases in mind. Proof that they have "gone political" for good has yet to be delivered, yet their political representatives expect to be treated as true democrats.
The problems that this creates for the regular constitutional parties can be seen all around. With less than a month before the shadow Assembly meets, the First Minister, David Trimble, has yet to speak to, let alone negotiate with, his Sinn Fein counterpart, Gerry Adams. According to the Assembly vote, they should be sitting in the same Cabinet, and taking part in the same North-South bodies, due to be agreed by the end of October. Yet they continue to stare each other out, in silence, waiting for the other side to make the first move.
If Mr Blair's visit is to be worthwhile, he must try to resolve this basic impasse. He must make it clear that the Good Friday Agreement was a package of many parts - all of which have to be dealt with simultaneously. A system had to be set up whereby prisoners could be released early, but also the parties, some inextricably linked with paramilitaries, had to commit themselves to decommissioning, as a vital part of confidence-building.
Yet where do we stand today, four months after the Agreement? Some paramilitary organisations have appointed people to liaise with the decommissioning body, but others, including the IRA, have not even taken this step. Sinn Fein give the impression that they think they are entitled to all the perks of executive power, in the Assembly and north-south bodies, without a start being made to dismantling the terrorist machine of the IRA and its weapons.
The Prime Minister and, next week, President Clinton, can make it clear that this is not good enough. The obscenity of Omagh, showing the worst excesses of republican terrorism, necessitates not only tougher legislation, but tougher demands on those organisations who claim to be on an indefinite ceasefire. Seeing what action Mr Blair and Mr Clinton can approve, in Afghanistan and the Sudan, they cannot back away from confronting the terrorists in Northern Ireland.
Not only the government, but the whole nationalist community, must realise how important it is, to a politician who has gone as far out on a limb as David Trimble, to have more than promises and pledges to show his supporters in the days ahead. If the Assembly is to succeed, and new relationships are to be established, there must first of all be trust. Mr Blair can begin the process this week.
BLAIR'S PLEDGES: Decommissioning must not be fudged
TONY Blair arrives in Belfast today at a crucial time for the peace process. His visit is mainly connected with the aftermath of the Omagh tragedy and the need for new laws to combat dissident paramilitary groups like the Real IRA. Yet he must know that even if there had been no bomb in Omagh, and no worldwide revulsion against paramilitary savagery, the political alternative is making very slow progress.
The Prime Minister is due to spell out the government's reaction, following that of Dublin, to the menace of diehard republicanism north and south of the border. Harsh new measures can be expected, to make it easier to arrest and find incriminating evidence on those who are intent on wrecking the Assembly. The ordinary public, however, could be excused for finding some of the messages that have been delivered recently as confusing - suggesting that the government is adopting a hard line against some forms of terrorism, while being softer with others.
Organisations like the Real IRA are to be hunted down, it seems, whereas the original Provisional IRA continues to be given plenty of latitude. No one questions that, at present, the godfathers of the Real IRA are the greatest threat to the peace, but other paramilitary organisations have so far delivered nothing but the silence of their guns, increasingly with the prospect of early prisoner releases in mind. Proof that they have "gone political" for good has yet to be delivered, yet their political representatives expect to be treated as true democrats.
The problems that this creates for the regular constitutional parties can be seen all around. With less than a month before the shadow Assembly meets, the First Minister, David Trimble, has yet to speak to, let alone negotiate with, his Sinn Fein counterpart, Gerry Adams. According to the Assembly vote, they should be sitting in the same Cabinet, and taking part in the same North-South bodies, due to be agreed by the end of October. Yet they continue to stare each other out, in silence, waiting for the other side to make the first move.
If Mr Blair's visit is to be worthwhile, he must try to resolve this basic impasse. He must make it clear that the Good Friday Agreement was a package of many parts - all of which have to be dealt with simultaneously. A system had to be set up whereby prisoners could be released early, but also the parties, some inextricably linked with paramilitaries, had to commit themselves to decommissioning, as a vital part of confidence-building.
Yet where do we stand today, four months after the Agreement? Some paramilitary organisations have appointed people to liaise with the decommissioning body, but others, including the IRA, have not even taken this step. Sinn Fein give the impression that they think they are entitled to all the perks of executive power, in the Assembly and north-south bodies, without a start being made to dismantling the terrorist machine of the IRA and its weapons.
The Prime Minister and, next week, President Clinton, can make it clear that this is not good enough. The obscenity of Omagh, showing the worst excesses of republican terrorism, necessitates not only tougher legislation, but tougher demands on those organisations who claim to be on an indefinite ceasefire. Seeing what action Mr Blair and Mr Clinton can approve, in Afghanistan and the Sudan, they cannot back away from confronting the terrorists in Northern Ireland.
Not only the government, but the whole nationalist community, must realise how important it is, to a politician who has gone as far out on a limb as David Trimble, to have more than promises and pledges to show his supporters in the days ahead. If the Assembly is to succeed, and new relationships are to be established, there must first of all be trust. Mr Blair can begin the process this week.
Further Information
Publisher: BELFAST TELEGRAPH
Ref: BT/0264
Published Date: 25-Aug-98
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